GRACE GOROSPE-JAMON
Introduction
This study examines political socialization in a religious context, a terrain that is largely unexplored in studies on political socialization. Given the paucity of scientific studies on religious movements, this study hopes to contribute to an understanding of the evolution, internal dynamics, and socialization process within these movements towards a more precise reading of their behavior in the larger society and their potential impact on the politics of the nations of which they are a part.
Political socialization is seen here as involving a process by which the individual comes to internalize or learn certain politically relevant social patterns - group norms, attitudes, behaviors, corresponding to his societal position as mediated or transmitted to him through the various agencies of society.
It is the process through which individuals acquires their political orientations, knowledge feelings and evaluations regarding the political world. I This definition regards political socialization as an interactive process between the individual being socialized and the societal agents involved in the process.
A person's "political self", while partly determined by society and its agents, is also influenced by factors that are more personal to the individual. These factors constitute the forms and workings of the political system in which one belongs, the types and experiences and relationships one has with other individuals or groups, as well as the personal needs and capacities of the individual.
Socialization need not be about politics, as may be commonly perceived. by others, in order to include political socialization.' It can be direct or indirect. Primary agents of socialization, for example, such as the family, school, peers and political events have been established in the literature on socialization as important agents of political socialization even when politics is never discussed.
In this context, religious movements/groups may also serve as one of the most potent venues for further socialization. Where what is required of the member is a "conversion of the heart," the transformation sought in the believer is meant to be more than the mere adoption of externals that might be accepted one day and discarded the next. This is very crucial in the socialization process, as there seems to be a systematic and purposive attempt by the religious movement to imbibe in the members "a basic re-orientation in premises and goals, a wholehearted acceptance of a new set of values affecting the convert or his group, day in day out, twenty four hours a day, and in practically every sphere of activity-economic, social and religious.'
Studies on the multidimensional aspect of religion and its impact on political action lend-insights into the nature and role of political socialization in a religious context and also its impact on political behavior. Wald, for instance, considers religion as an important political resource. He regards religiously based resources as "qualities possessed by religiously motivated people that can prove valuable in political action.?"
Religious motivation may either encourage political activism by fostering personal and group efficacy or may likewise stimulate action through morally perceived political issues. This is seen as likely to occur when political issues are articulated in moral terms, mobilizing religiously motivated actors or candidates for or against issues that promote moral perspective.
Seen as a cognitive or psychological resource, Wald underscores that "religious ideals are potentially powerful sources of commitment and motivation, such that human beings will make enormous sacrifices if they believe themselves to be driven by a divine force."
Hence, this particular case study on EI Shaddai hopes to enhance a deeper understanding not only of its theology and organization, but also of its role in Philippine society, specifically, in Philippine politics. Given its unique characteristics as an indigenous religious movement, this study on EI Shaddai also aims to shed light into the process behind its phenomenal rise and its attraction among the masses, which largely has a bearing on its capability to mobilize the people.
Global Religious Resurgence
The past two decades have witnessed a religious resurgence, which swept across countries of varying status around the world. This phenomenon, recognizing no boundaries, has pervaded every continent, every'civilization and virtually every country, and the Philippines is no exception. A new religious approach is seen to have taken shape aimed at "recovering a sacred foundation in the organization of society,'" sometimes finding its way through the emergence and growth of charismatic and fundamentalist movements. This trend, which began in the mid-1970s, veered away from secularization and toward the resacralization of modern society.·Expressed in a multitude of ways,particularly through the growth of religious movements, this approach advocated moving on from a modernism that had failed because of setbacks that' were attributed to separation from God.'
Viewed as a reaction to secularism, moral relativism and self-indulgence, and as a reaffirmation of the values of order, discipline, work, mutual help and human solidarity, religious groups began to be viewed as an alternative - as entities that provide social needs left unattended by state bureaucracies. Likewise, in the event of failure on the part of traditionally dominant religions - the Roman Catholic Church in the case of the Philippines - to meet the people's emotional and social needs, these groups offer a relief to such worldly frustrations. In the process, they greatly expand their memberships. Huntington, in his book, advances that by virtue of their phenomenal growth and sheer number, they increase the saliency of religion in political life." To a large extent, this religious resurgence involved people returning to, reinvigorating, and giving new meaning to the traditional religions of their communities. Christianity, Islam, Judaism, Hinduism, Buddhism, and Orthodoxy all experienced new surges in commitment, relevance and practice by erstwhile casual believers. In all of them fundamentalist movements arose, committed to the militant purification of religious doctrines and institutions and the reshaping ofpersonal, social, and public behavior in accordance with religious tenets.
Religious Revivalism and Politics in the Philippine Context
Indeed, even the Philippines has witnessed this remarkable resurgence of religious fervor especially in the last decade. This phenomenon, in fact, prompted the National Council of Churches in the Philippines (NCCP) to convene a national consultation on the new religious movements (NRMs) in the Philippines. This was done as early as a decade ago, in an attempt to make sense out of this burgeoning movement in the Philippine social landscape." This consultation focused on a kind of revivalism that is happening, not within the mainline orthodox Catholic and Protestant churches, but among newly emergent Catholic charismatic groups, such as "The Loved Flock" and "EI Shaddai" and Protestant bornagain group, such as the equally influential "Jesus is Lord" Church Worldwide and "Jesus Miracle Crusade".
As such, Christian churches share a general feeling of unease over the threat posed by this new kind of religiosity outside the domain of mainline churches. While others within, these churches consider them as a pastoral challenge, others sometimes look at them with suspicion and.sometimes with considerable hostility. Yet because of.thesheer number of these movements, a resource that cannot be underestimated especially in a democratic context, 'both church" and .state have long recognized their political potential. The fact that candidates in electoral contests, such as those who' ran in the May 1998 and May 2016 presidential elections, sought the endorsements of these movements' leaders may be considered as fitting testimonies to the political influence these groupscurrently wield. The calls for their involvement and participation in issue-based protests may also be indicative of the importance of' religion in
Philippine political life at present.
Given the importance of religion in Philippine politics today, a closer look at the internal structures, dynamics and processes of some of these religious movements is deemed necessary. A similar level of attention to a movement's religious beliefs, the values it propagates and the attitudes derived from its membership, also becomes relevant to a more informed and deeper understanding of the role of religion in contemporary Philippine politics.
Given this context, the study of the El Shaddai DWXI - Prayer Partners Foundation International, Incorporated (PPFI) as a Catholic Charismatic group, touted now as the biggest charismatic group not only in the Philippines but all over the world is thus deemed not only essential but timely as well. As acknowledged by its founder and servant-leader, Brother Mariano "Mike" Velarde himself, "the movement is now acting as a catalyst of religious fervor, which is happening now... it could be considered as a spiritual reawakening"! and as a reflection of the First Community of believers in Christ.
The EI Shaddai Prayer Movement: Political Context
The EI Shaddai Prayer Movement is considered as one of the most powerful religious groups today. Claiming a constituency of eight to ten million members worldwide, and given its phenomenally rapid growth since its inception in 1984, El Shaddai has figured prominently not only as a large charismatic movement but as a potentially important power bloc in 'Philippine politics as well. The May 1998 presidential elections saw candidates seeking the support of El Shaddai in an effort to win Velarde's endorsement and, quite possibly, tilt the election results in their favor. One of the most open verbal recognitions of the kind of influence this religious movement wields is vividly captured in a statement made by President Joseph Estrada on the eve of his election as 13th President of the Philippine Republic when he said: "Brother Mike Velarde
is more influential than Cardinal Sin, that's why I'm choosing him as my spiritual adviser and with him around, the country can't go wrong.
This salience in politics seems to have become a common fare for EI Shaddai, as evident in their involvement in three other political events and mobilizations. The fact that their support had been solicited in severalinstances can be a relatively strong indicator of the increasing pol~tical potential of this group. EI Shaddai's active participation in these events, however, has sometimes made its relationship with the Church all the more ambiguous. Given that, in the past, many in the Catholic hierarchy were cynical of the phenomenal growth of the movement, EI Shaddai prefered to take as neutral a stance as possible in sensitive issues concerning the Church. These events, wherein EI Shaddai's involvement waslikewise well-sought, could be classified into two types of political exercises: (1) elections and (2) issue-based political mobilizations.
In the May 1992 elections, Velarde invited all the presidential candidates to an overnight prayer rally as he did later on during the national elections in 1998. Some 1.5 million El Shaddai followers were then present when Velarde, in yet another trademark now attributed to him, indicated his preference for Fidel Ramos" by giving a hint to those present at the vigil. This unique communication style, either through passwords or body language," has sometimes caused Velarde to be earmarked as being ambiguous, if not, elusive.
During the pro-life rally initiated by the Roman Catholic Church against the Ramos administration's population control policy, EI Shaddai's position once again became an object of contention. In an effort to reconcile the Church and former Pres. Fidel Ramos after a series of publicized bitter exchanges between the latter and Archbishop Jaime Cardinal Sin, Velarde led the people in a prayer for the unity of the Church and the State on the issue. 18 This event proved to be very significant as EI Shaddai was known to have become extremely close with the former president, whose policy was then being questioned by the Church on the grounds of morality.
EI Shaddai also showed prominence during the AntiCharter Change Rally held in 1995. Cardinal Sin, together with former Pres. Corazon Aquino, initiated this rally which was aimed at countering moves speculated to have been instigatedby Ramos' supporters to enable him to run for a second term. This event, believed to be the culmination of efforts to oppose moves seeking for the rather "untimely" amendment of the constitution, provided yet another venue for EI Shaddai to demonstrate its potential as an influential political actor. Probably attempting not to provoke either the Church or the State, EI Shaddai went to the rally wihout an "official stand". In explaining the position of the movement on the issue, Velarde contended that they at EI Shaddai believe that Ramos "will be true to his pronouncements that a peaceful and honest election and a smooth turnover of power will take place in 1998.
Given its prominence as a "Catholic" charismatic movement and its almost indisputable potential as a political bloc, EI Shaddai poses a challenge to the traditional mode of power brokers in the country. Who is Bro. Mike Velarde that he has drawn millions of people to him? By what authority does he preach? How and why has the movement gained so much following both here and abroad? What are its religious beliefs and how are the followers socialized into these beliefs? What are the rituals, activities and religious practices engaged in by' the movement that facilitates this process? Do these beliefs have any bearing on the manner in which members view politics? What are their values and political attitudes? To what extent do these activities and rituals constitute the avenues in the acquisition of certain political values, perceptions and attitudes? These are only some of the questions that come to mind as one reflects on the increasing political potential of this group.
Evolution and Its Historical Context
The understanding of any religious movement normally begins with the global and domestic context of its inception and the story of its founder. The leader's "transformation" story, which usually coincides with an episode of social unrest, is usually bound up with the appreciation of the evolution of the organization itself. The history of EI Shaddai, in this case, took the normal course most social movements take. Social movements, viewed as "collective enterprises designed to establish a new order of life," are said to be precipitated by "harsh times". Most studies agree that the emergence of any social movement is usually precipitated by crisis situations that may be social, political or economic in nature. Covar, in his own study, underscores that the initial stage of a movement precipitates from general restlessness brought about by recent changes in society, which have disrupted certain traditional values." According to him, this is when "social roles and goals have been made either insecure or destroyed...where tension increases, attention wanders and self-confidence wanes." It is
also during these times when differences with the ecclesia in terms of doctrinal points, ceremonial practices, religious authority and modes of worship may be singled out as sources of social discontent."
The historical evolution of El Shaddai supports this theory, beginning with the conversion of Velarde to being a "bornagain" Catholic, at a time of political and economic crises.
The long stretch of martial rule under former Pres. Ferdinand Marcos which produced social, political and economic uncertainties." inevitably led to the search for the essential "giver of hope." The following decade thus proved to be an auspicious time for the emergence and growth of nongovernment organizations (NGOs), people's organizations (pas), and other movements such as civicgroups and religious organizarions." Religious resources then began to emerge as a primary means by which the process of socialization could take place.The attractiveness of religiousmovements presented a whole new perspective in studying not only religious socialization, but political socialization as well. It was during this time that charismatic groups from different denominations sprouted one after the other. The deteriorating political and economic situation, exacerbated by the assassination of the late Sen. Benigno Aquino, Jr. served as a catalyst of sorts to the accelerated growth of mobilizations and other kinds of political participation." Incidentally, this phenomenon partly spurred the rise of religious movements in the country.
Indeed, the phenomenal growth in El Shaddai's membership during this critical historical juncture in the nation's life partly lends credence to fmdings in psychology that emphasizes how religions provide "outlets for pent-up emotional tensions, relief from the impoverishment and monotony of daily life, and a gratification of important psychological needs." Revivalisticreligions, such as EI Shaddai, have been found to help their adherents in maintaining their personal. integration amidst widespread and enduring frustrations.
DWXI and the Inception of the EI Shaddai Prayer Movement
It was during this time of crisis that the EI Shaddai ministry was founded. The inception of the movement actually began in the acquisition of its official radio station DWXI. Three years following his «miraculous healing" in 1978 from a heart ailment, Velarde, a real estate developer, accidentally acquired the radio station DWXI while he was eyeing a property for development. Although not a professional broadcaster, Velarde hosted his own program in DWXI entitled "To God be the Glory". Since Velarde thought that nobody was tuned in, he soon grew tired and decided to stop broadcasting. What hindered him from pushing through with this plan was a letter, which he received from a listener who claimed of having been healed of her migraine of 17 years by simply listening to and praying with Velarde in his radio program. It came as a surprise to Velarde that the woman had known of his plan even before he got the chance to publicly announce it. He was so touched by this experience that, instead of quitting, he read the lettertestimony on the air. A few days later, he began to receive hundreds of letters urging him not to quit. Moved and encouraged by the letters and stories sent by his listeners, Velarde invited the listeners of DWXI to a Mass and Healing Rally in front of the radio station near. the Ninoy Aquino International Airport on the Sunday that was nearest August 20, 1984, his birthday. There were approximately a thousand people who came. This small assembly of DWXI listeners,
which soon became a monthly affair, was the beginning of EI Shaddai's evolution as one of the largest and most influential religious movement today.
Since then, people started to come not only to the monthly mass and healing rally, but also to his office at Amorsolo, Makati City everyday. Velarde also began to conduct Life in the Spirit Seminars (LSS) at the EI Shaddai building. The monthly Mass and Healing Rally soon became a weekly activity for the, movement that was held at the parking space of the Amorsolo office and later, in different venues. Many followers, particularly those claiming to have experienced miracles and radical transformation in their lives, started to volunteer themselves to help Velarde in the "gawain" or fellowship even without any allowance or salary. With the encouragement of his followers, Velarde decided to conceptualize a new format and rename his program. After coming across a religious pamphlet from the United States entitled, "EI Shaddai," and upon hearing a song of the same title played over at, DWXI, 'he decided to change the title of his program from ':To God Be the Glory" into "EI Shaddai." This, he also did uponlearning that EI Shaddai is "the real name of the Most Holy and Powerful Living God." Thus, the inception of the EI Shaddai DWXI-PPFI Prayer Movement. Soon, local chapters began to sprout one after the other nationwide. As of December 2016, there were almost 42,026 local chapters in 120 local government units all over the country. In 1988, the movement's first international chapter was organized in Hong Kong, which is now touted as its largest chapter abroad. As of 1995, there were already 61 accredited international chapters in 25 countries around the globe.
Organizational Structure
Over a period of two, years, several service volunteer ministries were organized and eventually, their organizational structure was further developed, with the roles of the different ministries becoming moredefined and institutionalized as the movement grew almost by the million every year.
El Shaddai's organizational structure maybe seen as a useful mechanism, which provides the movement with a communication network that reaches down to the grassroots level. It currently has parish-based local chapters that are being supervised by a Catholic parish priest who acts as the Spiritual Director." Likewise, the movement has non-parish based communities or prayer groups, those that have not been acknowledged by the local bishops or parish priest in a given area. Thes'e are also those that are located in private offices, factories, and establishments." Normally, a Provincial and/or CityCoordinating Secretariat (PCCS) is also,organized in far-flung provinces and cities to further assist the servantleader and its Executive Coordinating Council (ECS) in its outreach activities. Apart from this, there are also National Diocesan Outreach Coordinators (NDOCs) assigned to manage EI Shaddai's National and Local Diocesan rallies and coordinate with the core groups' in each diocese. This group is also responsible for ensuring the proper implementation of the Foundation's Pastoral guidelines. Through these local chapters and prayer groups, members are reminded of weekly rallies and announcements about the ministry's activities. These sublevel groupings thus become venues not only for community worship but for information dissemination as well.
At present, EI Shaddai's organizational set-up" has the following ministries: (1) the Disciples Preachers Ministry; (2) the Administrative Affairs Ministry; (3) the Financial Affairs Ministry; (4) the Media Affairs Ministry. Two of the organizational structure's most notable features are the direct role played by the Spiritual Directors, a position assumed by Roman Catholic priests over the spiritual formation of the disciples and the direct supervision of the servant-leader over the Media Affairs Ministry.
There has been constant reshuffling of the workers in the ministry, as there are reconfigurations made ·with the organization itself. The latest development is that of the significant link established between the Roman Catholic Church and the formation of disciple-preachers. The Disciples Preachers Ministry, which was originally handled solely by the Elders in the ministry, is now administered directly-by priests from the Catholic Church. This change is designed to monitor the formation of disciples, apparently because of the perception that there are discipleswhose theological orientation is more Protestant than Catholic." This was also the reason why, in the past, despite the support given by Bishop Teodoro Bacani to the movement, many priests still refused to allow EI Shaddai members to conduct their fellowships inside their colleges, parishes and schools. Suspicious of the consistency of the teachings in EI Shaddai with Roman Catholic Church doctrine, the Catholic Bishops Conference of the Philippines (CBCP) called Velarde. to a meeting in 1993. It was here that Velarde showed that the main purpose of EI Shaddai was notto usurp the authority and question the doctrine of the Church but to bring back enthusiasm and fervor in the worship of God in the Catholic Church."
As evident in its functions, the Media Affairs Ministry plays a crucial, if not a principal role in the dissemination of information on EI Shaddai teachings and organization. It covers the various means by which EI Shaddai can reach out to as many people as possible. The fact that the use of the communication media is placed under the direct supervision and control of Velarde suggests the critical role given to media in EI Shaddai religiosity. The use of media in the EI Shaddai community, particularly radio and television, has defined EI Shaddai's involvement in, as well as its articulation of societal and political issues. Bishop Teodoro Bacani divulged that EI Shaddai DWXI-PPFI holds prayer meetings over many radio stations where the average rate is thirty thousand pesos every hour. Expenses could pile up to six hundred thousand pesos for a round of radio programs. Today, Velarde himself acknowledges radio as the "main channel" of the EI Shaddai Ministry, as it is their means of reaching as many people as possible to preach the Word of God. He even admits that the ministry spends more than 10 million pesos every month, with radio and television airtime rentals comprising a bulk of their expenditure.
The Role of Media in EI Shaddai
Important in the understanding of the EI Shaddai phenomenon is the roie that mass media plays in EI Shaddai religiosity. Wiegele, in her study, underscores the centrality ofradio andtelevision in both the understanding of EI Shaddai religiosity as well as its appeal to Filipinos." Unlike some religious leaders who shun media and consider it as nothing but a threat to faith, Velarde regards media as an important and powerful instrument in communicating the message of Christianity in a compelling manner. Judging from the enormous resources that EI Shaddai channels to media, it can be said that Velarde considers media a challenge rather than a threat, an opportunity for the deepening and renewal of theology. The importance he gives to the use of media seems to be related to his story of how EI Shaddai came to be. He even stressed that he started the ministry on radio and that it was through their radio station DWXI that he was called to "serve the Lord." Although the movement spends an enormous amount for the four times a week television replay of their weekly fellowships, Velarde acknowledges that radio remains to be the "main channel for the ministry."
The above is supported by the findings of the survey conducted among EI Shaddai followers." A significant number of those interviewed actually came to know of EI Shaddai through an accidental tuning into DWXI. This is likewise confirmed by Wiegele's findings." Of the 200 interviewed, 87.5% listen to DWXI and of these, 36.5% listen everyday, 27.5% at least once a week, while 14.5% listen all day everyday, that is, 24 hours a day, seven days a week. They reasoned that they learn about the Words of God (30.5%) and they feel spiritually uplifted (15%) when listening to DWXI.
A quantitative study conducted for EI Shaddai in 1994 likewise underscores the importance given to media by the movement. With a total base sample of 100 EI Shaddai followers, the results .showed of the total followers, which represents 47% of the survey's total representative base, 45% report listening to various radio programs of EI Shaddai. Twenty four per cent of the core followers in the sample, on the other hand, has a similar response. Their reasons for listening could be summarized into the following: (1) has good moral/spiritual lessons/ good message; (2) talks about the
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